“Algiers defends the Arab honour and its decision to take in Muammar Gaddafi’s close relatives” (PCN-NCP-SPO)
« The sacred trust of Algerian nationhood, damaged in the Islamist 1990-98 uprising, is not going to be traded for Western favours” (Robert Fisk, The Independent)
By Luc MICHEL / ELAC-RESISTANCE / Seen from Algiers…
Algerian Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyahia on Sunday defended his country’s decision to take in Muammar Gaddafi’s close relatives, which prompted protests from the Libyan rebels, ensuring it was a "humanitarian gesture" and said they were "under the protection of Algerians."
 Beyond the honorable gesture, analyzes Robert Fisk (The Independent), “Algeria sends the West a message by taking in Gaddafi’s brood. Neighbour thinks the Libyan revolution gathered Western support because the land is so rich in oil”.
The taking in of the Libyan leader’s wife and three of her children is "a humanitarian case as part of the treatment by Algeria with other humanitarian cases," the Prime Minister told the press on the sidelines of the inaugural session of the Council of the Nation (Senate) in Algiers.
 The Algerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs had said on Aug. 29 that "the wife of Muammar Gaddafi, Safyia, his daughter Aisha, his sons Muhammad and Hannibal, accompanied by their children entered in Algeria at 08:45 (7:45 GMT) by the Algerian –Libyan border". Aisha has given birth to a baby girl. Our sister Aisha was at the end of her pregnancy and gave birth to a baby girl on Algerian soil.
According to the Algerian Prime Minister, the Gaddafi family currently living in Algeria is "under the responsibility of the Algerians." "The Libyans themselves have said and asked us to consider them as Algerians," said Ouyahia, whose remarks were reported by news agency APS. Ouyahia said that "leaders of other countries have already been taken in without creating this media hype." He said members of the family of the deceased Iraqi president Saddam Hussein were taken in by other countries without such an outcry as the taking in by Saudi Arabia of the deposed Tunisian President Ben Ali and his family from January 14, which did not cause "that storm"..
 The relations between Algiers and the National Transitional Council (NTC), the political arm of the Libyan rebellion, already strained since the conflict began in Libya, have soured after the announcement of the arrival of family members of the Libyan leader on Algerian soil.
 Its representative in London, Guma Al-Gamaty, had found "very unwise" the behavior of the neighboring country. He reiterated accusations, though strongly denied several times by Algiers but also by Washington and Paris, of sending mercenaries to support the former Libyan strongman against the rebellion.
 Algeria, which shares a long border with Libya does not recognize the NTC, is highly criticized by the rebels. Algiers will "respond of (its) attitude vis-à-vis the Libyan revolutionaries (sic)," said the NTC. Algeria is the only country in North Africa that has not recognized the representative body of the rebellion. Featuring officially a "strict neutrality" in the conflict tearing its neighbor, it was especially drawn to the accusation of supporting the leader Muammar Gaddafi. A spokesman for Libya’s NTC called Algeria’s acceptance of Col Gaddafi’s close relatives an "act of aggression against the Libyan people", and said the NTC would seek the Gaddafis’ extradition.
Officially, the Algerian Prime Minister refers to "an improvement in relations between Algeria and Libya" (of the NTC). But in reality the dispute is deep and can only get worse.
 Behind the diplomatic restraint of Algiers, in contrast to the veiled threats of Islamo-monarchists of the NTC, the conflict is present. Several influential politicians, including the general secretary of the National Liberation Front (FLN), one of the coalition parties in power, "did not mince their criticism of the rebellion when the latter got the military support of NATO".
 And when the NTC promises that Algeria will have to "be answerable", it alienates so many of the Algerian public opinion, including those who supported the Libyan rebellion and applauded the fall of Tripoli. Not to mention that the crisis with the NTC is "a boon for the country, analyzes Slate Africa. Algiers "needs a major national cause in order to remove the danger of an" Algerian autumn, "but it may also be a strategic error of the NTC." Indeed, "attacking the Algerian government is defying a system whose army is battle-hardened after 20 years of struggle against Islamist guerrillas and whose intelligence services have shown what they were capable of in terms of destabilization "…
Relations have deteriorated irretrievably, "especially that the Algerian, hostile by his tumultuous history to any Western intervention has a negative image of the NTC, which was established in Benghazi on February 27, he rightly sees as copy and paste of the Iraqi NTC, a small group guided by the CIA which led the organized chaos in ancient Mesopotamia, "says Slate Africa. In opposition to this negative image of NATO puppets are the ideological affinities between Algiers and Gaddafi.
 What are the common ideological basis between Algiers and Gaddafi’s Jamahiriya?
# Pan-Arabism in Algiers and Tripoli.
 In opposition to this negative image of the NTC, answers in Algiers an ultimately positive vision of Gaddafi and his revolutionary ideology, pan-Arab and pan-African. "Baathism is one of the ideological pillars of the Algerian political system (…) More Arab than the Arabs," writes Kamel Daoud in Slate Africa. Referring to the "seventies, decade of triumphant pan-Arabism." "We are Arabs, we are Arabs, we are Arabs" announced the former Algerian president Ahmed Benbella in the first days of independence in 1962.
# The anti-colonialism and non-alignment.
 Arab nationalism is not the only ideological convergence between Algiers and the “Jamahiriyan Socialism" Non-alignment and anti-colonialism – what the West called the Third World ideology – is also a common ideological basis between the two systems.
 Despite the sometimes difficult past relationships between Algiers and the Jamahiriya. "Of the temper of the modernist pan-Arab revolutionaries of the 60s and 70s who have removed the feudal regimes more or less placed by the West at the head of Arab and African countries, Bouteflika has retained a certain respect for Gaddafi." Add that the neocolonial invasion of NATO and the role played by France revives bad memories in Algeria.
« For years, the Algerians have supported Gaddafi’s independent policies because their own history has taught them to never accept orders from abroad”, writes Robert Fisk. “The moment the French – occupiers, colonisers and persecutors of Algeria for 132 years – bombed Libya, the Gaddafi regime’s struggle to survive became a re-enactment of the Algerian FLN’s 1954-62 battle for freedom against French rule (…) For the Fezzan, the stony deserts and mountains south of the coastal cities, was occupied by French troops long after the Second World War to protect the frontier of Algeria – then still part of the French empire”.
“Indeed, it was typical of the Algerian foreign ministry to announce the presence of the Gaddafi family on Algerian soil. Algerians like to show the West – especially the French – their freedom, the sacred trust of Algerian nationhood, damaged in the Islamist 1990-98 uprising, is not going to be traded for Western favours” concludes Fisk.
# The Oil Nationalism.
 This one, which means that oil, national wealth, can not be owned by foreigners and even less by Western imperialist countries, is obviously an ideological basis common to all Arab revolutionary nationalist regimes. Syrian and Iraqi Ba’athists, Nasserians, Gaddafi’s Jamahiriyan Socialism, all make the control of oil a national priority issue.
In an article violently anti-Gaddafi, the Belgian daily De Tijd of August 27, 2011 is obliged to recognize that "thanks to oil wealth, Gaddafi assured cheap bread, schools, electricity, apartment buildings and hospitals and, thus, he has made Libya the most developed African country, according to the United Nations". According to the same United Nations, Libya of the beginning of Gaddafi era was one of the poorest countries in the world. The newspaper continues: "Under Gaddafi, it was difficult to do business. Western oil companies in Libya still had to undergo insolent tax increases or face the threat of nationalization. "
 Thus Algiers sees with anger and anxiety the neocolonial rush on Libyan oil. Not forgetting – and we will come back to it – that the interests of the Algerian state oil company Sonatrach are directly threatened in Libya with a victory of the NTC.
 The Algerian Foreign Minister Mourad Medelci, tried to explain the Algerian position vis-à-vis the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions in an interview published by Le Monde in early March 2011. The diplomatic jargon conceals badly Algiers fundamental hostility to the Western coups of the so-called "Arab spring".
The position of the Algerian diplomacy is therefore all explained in the light of its response to the Libyan crisis. Algeria is one of the few countries within the Arab League to have rejected the decision of establishing by the international community a no-fly zone in Libya. For Mourad Medelci, it is not "a war of Gaddafi against his people," but rather "an armed opposition between a portion of the population and another," a civil war as we ourselves analyzed from February (1).
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, who, as we did ourselves, binds the situation in Libya with that of the Ivory Coast, associated himself with the arguments of the Libyan leader, who brandished the threat of terrorism. Concerned to see "the terrorist threat re-emerge on the other side of the border."
 What are the many points of tension between Algiers and the NTC?
# The alliance of NTC and jihadists of AQIM, operated with the blessing of NATO.
 Al-Qaeda in Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), an ally of the NTC and enemy of the generals in Algiers, is indeed extremely close to the jihadists who lead the militia of the NTC. AQIM has already claimed a week ago a double suicide attack that killed 18 people and injured 26 Friday in Algeria, blaming in particular Algiers for its "support for the regime of (Muammar) Gaddafi." That the NTC and NATO – for the autonomy of kollabos of Benghazi vis-à-vis the United States and NATO who created it from scratch, does not exist – have left to do, or have directly encouraged this warning to Algiers is more than a crime. It’s a stupid mistake.
# The anti-Algerian provocations of the NTC.
 "With the support granted to them by NATO (which will not be always present) and the capture of Tripoli going to their head, the Libyan revolutionaries seem tempted by a battle with the Algerian neighbour" analyzes Slate Africa, as shows their decision of renaming the "Algerian revolution" square in Tripoli. What also speaks volumes about the ideology of NTC Islamo-monarchists who attack also a powerful symbol of Arab revolutionary nationalism and wars of anti-colonial liberation.
 Add to this, the sacking and looting of the Embassy of Algeria in Tripoli (at the same time as that of Venezuela, an ally close to Gaddafi). On Monday, August 22, the "rebels" have in fact attacked the Algerian representative, "whose flag was sighted several times in Libya during pro-Gaddafi protests".
# The issue of oil and the Algerian economic interests in Libya,.
 Undoubtedly one of the most sensitive issues. For there is an economic issue in the alliance with Gaddafi. "Beyond an inconsolable fiancee who has just lost her future husband, Algeria will lose out economically." With the re-colonization of Libya made ​​by NATO and the United States through the puppets of the NTC, Sonatrach, "the Algerian mega-owned company that manages the hydrocarbons, will lose its interests in Libya for the benefit of the French, Western beachheads of the offensive against Gaddafi, who will be able to make use of it directly and let lose, through the NTC hostile to Algeria, Sonatrach oil positions in Libya. "
# The geopolitical issue and its implications for the security of Algeria.
 The fundamental issue. ! Other "direct impact on Algeria, troops have just been withdrawn from the western border with Morocco. Thousands of Algerian military stationed outside the official enemy of the regime were transferred a few days ago across the country, 1,500 km to the east, to monitor the desert border with Libya, which runs on nearly 1000 km, to prevent the infiltration of heavily armed terrorist groups that could benefit from the absence of State "
« For months, there have been accounts in the Algerian media about the reported spread of weapons from Libya benefiting al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, which is based in Algeria. Algeria has been boosting security along its border with Libya, and as news of the Gaddafi family arrival broke», said the BBC. Algerian newspaper El Watan also reported that «the government had closed the frontier ». “Algeria still faces a threat from the tail end of an insurgency launched after the army cancelled elections in 1992, just as an Islamist party was poised to win them.But the Algerian government also draws much legitimacy from its achievement in largely overcoming this challenge”.
Note incidentally that this "official enemy", Morocco, is directly involved in the NATO aggression against Libya, military and air forces being integrated into the Qatari expeditionary corps. What is carefully hidden to public opinion in Morocco. Morocco, like the NTC sponsored by BHL, is a discreet ally of Israel. The Moroccan parliament has just devoted a seminar on "Military Capabilities of Algeria" in late 2010.
 "Everything is to be expected in the Sahara, largest desert in the world, where even the Sahel will be reconfigured, another effect of the fall of Gaddafi" …. Zoubir Arous, a professor at the University of Algiers, said to the BBC that "The regime has fear of profound and uncontrolled change in Libya (…) It sees this as a risk for the whole region."
 But beyond all this, it is the very survival of the Algerian regime, new target of Western aggression in the Middle East after Libya and Syria, which is at stake "Who’s next?” questioned Slate Africa on September 1st. "Algeria has already two neighbouring countries that have shifted". Tunisia and Libya. "This is the only Arab country in this case today."
 The recent statement by Turkish Foreign Minister on current events in Libya, "a lesson for leaders in the region," which "shows that those who do not listen to their people can not stay in power," aims directly the Bouteflika regime. A warning not to take lightly. Against the Libyan Jamahiriya and Ba’athist Syria, the Turkish Islamists of the AKP, the best ally of the United States in the Middle East, have been at the political and diplomatic forefront of the military aggression of the United States and NATO . Let us add that the Turkish Islamist regime of the AKP is the ideological model of pro-American Islamist regimes that Washington from Bush to Obama intend to impose with their project of "Greater Middle East".
In Algeria, the networks of destabilization have been in place since late 2010. They have already got their hand in last January. « Algeria saw its own protests at the beginning of the year, which it contained with the help of heavy policing, hand-outs, and divisions within the opposition”, comments the BBC.
The Libyan crisis and the new assault against Syria have simply moved their operation with a view to doing a pro-Western coup. Behind these networks we find the Arab activists trained in Belgrade and the United States by the OTPOR network and CANVAS its school of subversion, financed by the CIA. The Generals of Algiers " know that they are on the list of the Arab Spring", said Mohamed Larbi Zitout, a former Algerian diplomat in Libya and member of the opposition movement Rachad.
But the United States lacks imagination and often takes the wrong perspective. Gaddafi who was to collapse in two weeks with the coup of February 15 (2) is still fighting and the Libyan guerrilla which gets itself organized (3) will soon be a bloody trap for NATO. Syria resists. Replaying always the same scenario, the neo-colonialist West will eventually pay dearly for its errors of analysis. The generals in Algiers and the strong state from the FLN – which "is not a party besides, but an apparatus, a system" detailed Slate Africa – are likely to be even tougher than the small Jamahiriya with its six million inhabitants, its army of popular militias, its decentralized government and its suicide disarmament in 2003 …
LM ( September 2011)
(1) Interview of STREET PRESS : « LA LIBYE N’EST PAS DU TOUT UN ETAT REPRESSIF », 24 février 2011,
(Sources : AFP / La Liberté / Stratfor / Le Soir d’Alger / El Watan / The Independent /
Le Temps de Genève / PCN-SPO / Slate Afrique / BBC / Le Monde / De Tijd)
Photos : Gaddafi and Bouteflika,
the Algeria OTPOR logo – tagged in Algiers in January 2011 (the Serbian OTPOR fist)
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